Outline of today’s paper

1. Introduction and story telling
2. Research question(s) and methodology
3. Empirical results and argument
4. Food riots as a repertoire of contention
5. Conclusion

1.1 Food riot in Hama, 11 August 1910

1.1 Food riot in Hama, 11 August 1910

1.1 Food riot in Hama, 11 August 1910

1.2 First observations

• there is no or at least no immediate looting
• crowds address the political authorities, predominantly peacefully
• crowds gather at central places, i.e. on the streets and in front of the seat of the political authorities
• women are a (substantial) part of the protests

2.1 Research question

1. What is the function of food riots—immediate remedy for hunger, lower and stable bread prices in the long term, political change?
2. What are the implications of food riots for the study of Middle Eastern societies?

2.2 Methodology

• Capture and analysis of economic data on food prices
• Detailed case studies on individual food riots
• Systematic analysis of all food riots as part of a “repertoire of contention”

2.3 Sources

• Local newspapers and periodicals
• Consular reports
• Ottoman archival documents
• First person accounts

3.1 Empirical results

Sample of 14 food riots between 1875 and 1920 in Aleppo, Beirut, Damascus, Hama, Homs and Jaffa (Map, table)

1. There is no direct causal relation between food riots and food prices (graph)
2. Food riots are a relatively stable “repertoire of contention” and take the form of a demonstration

3.2 argument

1. There is no direct causal relation between food prices and food riots
2. Food riots are a tactic choice on behalf of the protestors and an inherently political act
3. Food riots are part of a relatively stable “repertoire of contention” (C. Tilly) and a symbolic repertoire
4. The main target of this conscious political tactic are the ruling authorities; protestors call for equitable distribution and fair access to available bread.
5. Food riots are thus part of the negotiations over political legitimacy within the existing political order as based in just rule, safety of life, etc. The demands are conservative and principally recognised as legitimate

1 Repertoire of contention: prologue (weeks)

1. Period of artificially high prices
2. Advantageous moment

2 Repertoire of contention: the food “riot” (few hours, a day)

3. A crowd of poor people—men, women and children—gathers
4. The crowd marches onto the seat of the local government and peacefully raises its demand for affordable bread and grain
5. The crowd is violently dispersed / a combination of promises and threats leads the crowd to dissolve. Original failure of the authorities leads to further escalation.
6. (optional) The crowds turn on merchants and loot warehouses, stores, and railway stations
7. Successful intervention of the highest representative of the central authorities with the help of imperial troops

3 Repertoire of contention: aftermath (weeks and months)

8. Intervention from the highest representative of the central authorities
9. No reports on falling grain prices.

5.1 Summary

• Contrary to common arguments and presumptions, we find a long “tradition” of popular contentions in general and food “riots” in particular as well as female agency in genuinely political struggles in public places / space.
• There is no direct causal relation between food riots and food prices.
• Food riots are a relatively stable “repertoire of contention”.
• Food riots are a tactic choice on behalf of the protestors and an inherently political act. They are part of the negotiations over political legitimacy within the existing political order as based in just rule, safety of life

5.2 Conclusion: open questions

• What about dangerous classes and the lumpenproletariat?
• What are the implications of food riots for the study of Middle Eastern societies?